Finally the UN condemns mortar launching from its school in Beit Hanun

It was on the first of November that I indicated that the school in the IDF footage from the 29 October is actually a UN school run by the UN relief agency UNRWA. Since then the UNRWA have kept a tight lid on the issue doing and only the Jerusalem Post reported that Israel complained to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) over the use of a school run by the organization as a launching pad for a mortar attack on Israel. "UNRWA condemns the use of its facilities by militants, not least because these militant activities put the lives of schoolchildren and our teachers at risk and also disrupt our education programme," is how the UNRWA spokesman responded. Nothing noted on the UNRWA website, compared to the condemnation of Israeli military activities in an UNRWA school during August this year.

On the 8 of November Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has deplored a rocket attack against Israel that was launched from a school in the Gaza Strip run by the United Nations agency tasked with assisting Palestinian refugees. UNRWA have been asked to to conduct a full investigation of the incident. In the same instance the UN made a point that the school had been evacuated at the time of the rocket attack to ensure the safety of both the staff and the pupils during an Israeli military incursion. Palestinian militants entered the school while it was empty and then fired rockets from the compound. I guess that makes it OK?!?

Tunnels of Gaza

From the US border with Mexico to the frontier between the European continent with north Africa, everywhere in the world where you find a border you'll find networks of smugglers, if for drugs, people trafficking or weapons. You may ask, whats new? Well in Gaza tunnels have a use beyond smuggling. In Gaza tunnels serve as another opportunity to carry out terrorist attacks.

The Israeli military carried out a military operation this week in the south of the Gaza strip on the border with Egypt. The Israelis reported that they discovered seven weapons-smuggling tunnels in the southern Strip along the Egyptian border on Thursday. One of the tunnels was reported to be a kilometer-long tunnels were discovered near Dahiniye by an elite Engineering Corps unit and troops from the Golani brigade . The tunnels were found within two kilometers of the border with Israel and, according to the IDF, had been used intensively in recent months to smuggle weapons and explosives from Egypt into Gaza.
The troops destroyed the tunnels in controlled explosions. IDF sources said they had been large enough for people to pass through and were most probably used by terrorists to leave Gaza on their way to Iran or Syria for training. The Washington Times quoted the head of the Israeli intelligence agency, "Shin Bet, Youval Diskin, that since June terrorist factions have smuggled in to Gaza more than 70 tons of explosives from Egypt, bringing the total in its possession to 112 tons.

For more see Al Jazeera english edition

Rockets from a UN School in Gaza

The Israeli military released a surveillance video taken on October 29 th in the North Gazan town of Beit Hanun. In the video 2 Palestinians are sighted launching multipule mortar rockets from an elementary boys school. UN sources have confirmed that this is in fact a UN school for the refugee agency (UNRWA). During October over 250 Kassam rockets and mortars were launched against Israel.

Inside Hamas - brought to you by the Guardian

Back after a long break from the world of blog, came over this story published yesterday on the Guardian web site. It illustrates that in the Hamas narrative Israel does not have a right of independent existence.

Inside Hamas Last month in a safe house in Gaza City, Clancy Chassay had dinner with two senior Hamas leaders - and was a rare western witness to a debate on the issues that divide the Palestinian organisation

Friday October 26, 2007

In the long shadows of early dusk, a large black Mercedes with blacked-out windows picked me up from my hotel and whisked me through Gaza City's dusty, sullied streets. The roads, strewn with rubbish, were largely empty: Gaza was preparing for an Israeli incursion and the routine was familiar.
Last month I was invited to attend iftar - the evening meal during Ramadan - with a senior Hamas leader in Gaza. I can't name him because I was invited only on condition of anonymity. His wife had prepared a feast at his home in southern Gaza, but following an Islamic Jihad strike on an Israeli military base earlier that week he had chosen to stay in Gaza City, where the new Hamas government is headquartered. There were reports that the Israeli army was planning a large incursion and intended to cut the strip in two, separating Rafah and the south from Gaza City and the north. This meant I had the opportunity to have dinner with Hamas, and witness an internal debate within the senior leadership that is rarely seen by outsiders, particularly those from the west.
Since its takeover of the Gaza strip in June after fierce fighting with Fatah, Hamas, which had been elected largely because of its militancy against Israel, had quietened its guns but was still taking the heat for any violence coming out of Gaza. A few days earlier in his office, the Hamas leader had heard a Fatah official in Ramallah on television goad Hamas for not sticking to its resistance mandate. Since Hamas' election victory in 2006, hostilities between the two Palestinian factions have worsened, culminating in the bloody "battle of Gaza" in June this year, in which more than 100 people were killed. "We want to keep our heads down," the leader had told me, "and try to get Gaza running properly. We don't need to give the Israelis more reasons to kill us."
There were reports of Israeli tanks massing at the northern and southern ends of the strip and the leader had called "his friend", an Israeli journalist in Israel. The exchange in Arabic and English was warm and surprisingly intimate. The leader put the phone down. "Well," he shrugged, "apparently they're too wrapped up in internal affairs and the Syrian incident [referring to an Israeli airstrike on a Syrian military site a week earlier] to engage in open confrontation with the resistance factions."
But three days later Israeli politicians were still calling for revenge against Hamas for the rocket attack and, fearing assassination, the leadership had gone underground. All senior figures were in hiding and many of Gaza's Hamas-run police stations had emptied in anticipation of rocket strikes. So the dinner was held in one of Gaza City's many safe houses.
We were greeted by a lean young fighter - the leader's son - and two others of a similar age who put their Kalashnikovs aside to tend to dinner. The leader and I, plus an Australian journalist, sat on the floor and his son brought out cutlery and glasses and a large plate of chicken and rice, hastily prepared by a nearby restaurant. His wife called to confirm he wasn't coming home for dinner.
As we sat around the large plate, tucking in with our spoons and hands, the conversation quickly turned to security. The leader talked about the difficulties of being a senior member of one of the most monitored organisations in the world: "It has got harder as the technologies have improved." He talked candidly about the movement's hidden leadership, operating alongside the public one: "They remain secret for as long as they can and when they're uncovered, then they become public. After that, what can we do?" And he expressed hope that next year's US elections might bring some shift in US policy: "I hope the new administration will bring less ideological men to the table," he said.
After washing down our dinner with 7-Up, we moved from the floor to the main sitting room, where the leader reflected on his early days with the group of friends that would later form Hamas. He described how many of the Hamas leaders as young men had been leftists and Arab nationalists in the heady days of Gamal Abdel Nasser, but after the defeat of 1967 and Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, many of the Palestinians had become disillusioned and began to look to the work of the Muslim Brotherhood.
This group of men, then part of a community of Palestinian intellectuals working and studying in Cairo, grew more and more convinced by the Muslim Brotherhood's dream of a Middle East governed by Islam, and the abolition of the colonial boundaries imposed by the Sykes-Picot agreement by which the Ottoman empire was divided up among the French and British after the first world war. "We were the first of the new generation of Islamists," he said. "We believed that Islamic revolution in a neighbouring country would come and a new Islamic state would help us liberate Palestine." He welcomed democracy. "If real democracy was applied tomorrow, the whole region would be governed by Islamists," he said.
As we spoke, the man's son and fellow fighters sat in the corner behind the small of the wall eating and chatting among themselves, walkie-talkies and Kalashnikovs nearby. "Things were very different then," said the leader, describing the west's fear of political Islam today. "Our convictions are the same but the perceptions have changed. In the 80s, Bin Laden and the mujahideen in Afghanistan [then fighting against the Soviet Union and its occupation of Afghanistan] were hailed by Reagan as great freedom fighters. They were received in Europe and America."
He recounted being with Sheikh Abdullah Azzam - a leader of the CIA-backed Afghan-Arab jihadists who had been a central influence in Bin Laden's early years and was assassinated in 1995 - at a public fundraiser in New Jersey one night in the 1980s, when they raised $250,000 for the mujahideen in Afghanistan.
The leader's son brought in syrupy pastries and a white fruit pulp. In the background the first Ramadan celebrations could be heard. Before long the slow clatter of fireworks had grown into an eruption of explosions. "I hate those things," he said, as they snapped and crackled in the background.
At that moment, there was a loud knock at the door. A second member of the leadership burst in, tailed by bodyguards, immaculate in his pristine white jellaba. We stood up to greet him.
Whereas our host took the more pragmatic line within Hamas, the new guest was more militant. Before long the conversation turned to Hamas's refusal to recognise Israel and then to the group's aim for the destruction of the Jewish state, or what they would describe as the replacement of Israel and the occupied territories with one democratic state for Jews, Muslims and Christians. These men understood the need for a two-state solution, but only as a stepping stone to one eventual state.
"Switzerland is the model," the pragmatist said with certainty. "They killed each other for 200 years and now they live together peacefully." Unwilling to accept the possibility of two states living side by side in peace, he insisted that binationalism in the entire area of Israel and Palestine was the only solution - "One state for two peoples." He outlined the Swiss experience, enthusing over the potential for a state made up of localised cantons of control where all citizens would hold a common passport but would have to respect the individual laws and governance of each canton. "We believe there is a historical precedent for friendship between Jews and Muslims. We can live together again."
At this, the other leader interrupted. "With all due respect to my friend, the Palestinian people will never accept it." As the hardliner talked, the moderate sifted through a bowl of Chinese crackers with a frown, picking out his favourite pieces. "We need a single democracy on our terms. The Jews can live as individuals in a Palestinian state protected by our laws," said the more militant leader.
The pragmatist defended his optimism. "This is just the culture - people have been raised on a different rhetoric - but if you explain it to the people, they will accept it." The hardliner retorted: "This land is not fit for two sides, the cantons will not work. Anyway, any such idea will collide with the Israeli mentality."
Watching this conflict within Hamas, it seemed clear that this fundamental difference in vision at the helm of the movement would return again and again. But despite their differences, both men seemed convinced that Israel as a Jewish-only state was in decline. Citing articles in the New Yorker, Foreign Affairs and the New York Review of Books, they described a growing debate about "post-Zionism" - a school of thought within Israel that believes that Zionism as an ideology has served its purpose and that the Jewish state should now move towards becoming a secular democracy. "Take Avraham Berg [a former speaker of the Israeli Knesset] for example," said the hardliner. "He's talking about post-Zionism and the fall of the Jewish state if it continues to be purely Jewish. And it is not just leftwing Israelis; it's now acceptable for people in the west to think about, and talk about, a world without Israel."
Echoing a conversation he had earlier in the week, the hardliner outlined his strategy for defeating Israel. "The Gaza withdrawal was a victory," he said. "For us, any withdrawal equals a retreat. The Israelis were forced to give up territory - there was a time when no one believed that could happen." He described how the wall, the gigantic separation barrier erected by the Israelis and the source of so much anguish for West Bank Palestinians and the besieged population of East Jerusalem, was also viewed as a success. "The wall was a limitation on the expansion of the Israeli state. For years the Israeli right had talked about a Greater Israel stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates. The wall has brought an end to that dream."
He said that Hamas is focusing on two aims: "To limit the expansion of Israeli territory, and to wear down the occupation by making it too expensive to continue. If we stay on this course, in another 50 years we may have our land back."
When the time came for me to leave, the two men wished me a safe journey and urged me to come back."I hope we will see you again soon," said the hardliner. "If I am not martyred before then," he added with a smile. As the same Mercedes that had picked me up shuttled me back through the dark, empty streets to my hotel, I wondered if the threatened airstrikes might indeed claim his life before my next visit to Gaza.

Gloomy future for Gaza

Over the last couple of weeks I haven't been able to bring myself to write about the situation in Gaza. Not for the lack of news views or developments, just for the gloomy future brought on the region following Israeli Government decision on one hand and continuous Palestinian terrorist attacks on the other.

However I have overcome the tiredness and feel I need to update today. Here is the run down:

Closure of Gaza

Jews all over the world and in Israel specifically celebrated their high holy days, from the Jewish new year and till the last weekend over the last days of Sukkot (about 3 weeks long). During this period the Gaza Strip was generally sealed off to the world. The "Holiday Closure" is an annual event that assumes that terrorist factions will do their best to foil the festivities. In the past this has indeed happened (beginning with the Yom Kippur War and the lethal terrorist attack on the Park Hotel in Netanya that took place over Passover) so Israeli concerns are well found. The problem of course is that the holidays coincided with the cabinet decision on the 19 September, and the Gazans and the International community perceived the closure as part of the "new policy".

Israel throughout this time continued to carry out counterinsurgency operations and at least 20 Palestinian insurgents were killed since the 19 of September in various activities from the land and sky.

Take it to the Bank

Israeli "Bank Hapoalim" has decided to severe ties with the Gaza strip and there are rumors that Israeli bank notes will not be transferred in to the Gaza strip.

To be a Cristian in Gaza

The mostly quiet christian minority suffered a blow this morning when the director of the Bible Society library was kidnapped and later brutally stabbed to death. 26-year-old Rami Ayyad was recovered early Sunday morning near the Teachers' Bookshop in Gaza where he worked. Sources close to the society said that Hamas had abducted Ayyad because of his faith. This is not the first attack on the society, about 6 months ago unknown assailants blew up the library at that time nobody was hurt. In an environment of extremism and Islamic fundamentalism what hope does the community of 3000 Christians of Gaza have? One thing for certain they will need god on their side.

Iranian Influence

Today a Russian Katyusha rocket landed near the town of Netivot. These are the same type of rockets launched towards Israel in the summer of 2006 with the war against Hizbullah. They have the ability of reaching about 20 kilometers. Katyusha rockets are not locally manufactured, they are imported. The Popular Resistance (how romantic) Committee claimed responsibility for the launch. How these rockets reached Gaza if by route of the tens or hundreds of tunnels between Gaza and Egypt or by route of sea remains to be answered.

This weekend will begin the festival of Eid el Fiter that concludes the holy month of Ramadan although its supposed to be a time of happiness in Gaza there will most probably be a gloomy and sad atmosphere.

Gaza under Hamas - Palestinian Human Rights View of the Situation

I found this Letter to Hamas, would be govorner, Ismail Hania, published by the Director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights. As we know the right to talk out in Gaza isn't to be taken for granted. We should therefore consider the self censorship done by Sourani in his letter. He paints a gloomy and sad picture. What is most sad is that only a minority of Palestinians are actually speeking out.

His Excellency Ismail Haniya
Prime Minister
Dismissed Palestinian Government
13 September 2007

Subject: Concern over some violations by members of the Executive Force and Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions.

Greetings on the occasion of the Blessed Month of Ramadan, may Allah return it to us with our wounds healed, our national unity restored, and our land liberated.
The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights sends you its warmest greetings, and highly values your continuous efforts to manage the Gaza Strip despite the difficult circumstances and the deep political crisis storming the Palestinian Authority and threatening to destroy the national struggle. The split in the Executive authority has resulted in a split in the Legislative authority and paralysis in the judicial authority.

We preferred sending you this legal document out of appreciation for your previously expressed position and commitment to respect and protect human rights. And in the spirit of candidness and preserving public interests, and stemming from our work as an independent professional organization dedicated to protecting human rights and promoting rule of law, we hereby present you with a number of violations that have been repeated by members of the Executive Force and Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions. And we are certain that you will not preserve any effort to remedy these violations, and will take the necessary steps to put an end to them and hold those responsible accountable to their deeds.

I- Violations of freedom of expression and journalism rights:
The Clashes in June witnessed many attacks by both sides of the conflict (Fatah, Hamas, their military branches and affiliated security services) on media outlets in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Despite the severity of these attacks, we had hoped for a new chapter in the Gaza Strip after the end of military operations between both sides. We had hoped that your statements and directives to protect freedom of expression and journalism rights would be translated on the ground.
However, we are greatly concerned in this regard due to the negative conduct by responsible parties. The latest attack targeted at least 14 journalists on 7 September 2007 as they were covering the attacks of the Executive Force on civilians who attempted to conduct prayers in public areas. Prior to this date, the Executive Force perpetrated similar attacks on 25 August 2007 on a number of journalists covering a Fatah demonstration in Gaza.
The Centre also documented other attacks including: attack on journalists and the Arabiya Satellite Station office in Gaza on 13 August 2007; continued ban on Palestinian TV broadcast from Gaza, and the prevention of broadcasting one of its programs from Ramattan Studios on 1 August 2007. Obstructing the entry of newspapers issued in the West Bank and detaining their distributors on 30 July 2007; the attack on 3 journalists covering a demonstration by national parties in Khan Yunis on 12 July 2007 and forcing them to erase photos and photage prior to their release.
PCHR stresses the importance of redoubling efforts and giving clear instructions to the Executive Force to respect and protect freedom of expression and journalism rights, which are basic human rights that are protected by the Palestinian Basic Law.

II- Violations against participants in prayers in public areas:
For the third consecutive week, PCHR has documented attacks by the Executive Force and occasionally Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions on dozens of civilians for responding to calls by Fatah and other PLO factions to perform Friday Prayers in public areas. These attacks included the use of force, including gunshots, beating, and other forms of inhumane treatment, to prevent civilians from reaching public areas designated for prayers. They were dispersed by force despite the peaceful nature of these activities. In addition, tens of civilians were detained; and they were beaten and abused during detention.
PCHR strongly condemns the Executive Force for forcefully preventing civilians from performing prayers in public areas in the Gaza Strip. In addition, the Centre strongly condemns the detentions and arrests by the Executive Force, led by the detention of Dr. Zakaria El-Agha (member of the PLO Executive Committee), Ibrahim Abu El-Naja (president of the National Follow up Committee of National and Islamic Parties), and other Fatah and PLO officials.
The Centre calls upon the dismissed government to rescind its position banning prayers in public areas; and affirms people’s full and legitimate right to do so and to organize peaceful demonstrations as a means of expression and protest protected by the Basic Law and international human rights conventions.

III- Restrictions on the right to assembly:
Preventing prayers in public areas is only one violation of the right to peaceful assembly. PCHR documented several cases in which the Executive Force dispersed peaceful assemblies by force. This is a violation of the right to peaceful assembly, which is a basic right protected by the Amended Basic Law of 2003 and the Public Assemblies Law of 1998.
These violations were furthered by the decision of the Executive Force on 13 August 2007 stating: “Stemming from the public interest, and in order to preserve security, and relying on the rule of law, it is forbidden to go out in any demonstration without official permission from the Executive Force.” This decision is a reminder of an announcement on 29 February 2000 by the then Director-General of the Palestinian Police, General Ghazi Jabali, to prevent any public assemblies without his prior permission. The Centre condemned Jabali’s decision and considered it a violation of the spirit and text of the public assemblies law.

After the Force’s decision, PCHR documented at least 2 attacks on peaceful assembly by the Executive Force:
1- Dispersing a peaceful assembly in the center of Gaza City organized by PLO factions on 13 August 2007.
2- Dispersing a peaceful demonstration by Fatah activists in Gaza City on 24 August 2007.

PCHR is extremely concerned by the decision and practices of the Executive Force, and calls for rescinding the decision. The Centre affirms that law-enforcement parties do not have any legal authority to license or ban peaceful demonstrations or any other form of peaceful assembly. The law states that law-enforcement parties should be “notified” of any such activity; and that the police can put limitations on the duration and route of the activity to “organize traffic.”

IV- Continuation of illegal arrests:
PCHR expressed relief at the release of a number of persons who were illegally detained. However, the Centre is concerned over the illegal detention of several individuals by the Executive Force. According to our information, there are several detainees held for more than a month without regard for legal regulations. The Centre renews its call to respect legal regulations of detention operations, and to ensure that detainees enjoy their right of legal representation through a lawyer, and to ensure family visits.

V- Torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment:
PCHR has documented many cases in which civilians were subjected to torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment during detention and questioning by the Executive Force. Many of them complained that they were treated with vindictiveness due to their status as activists or members of Fatah. Torture was perpetrated in police stations and Executive Force compounds throughout the Gaza Strip, especially in the North, Khan Yunis, and Rafah.
We would like to remind that torture is outlawed by Palestinian Law and by international human rights standards. It is a crime that does not fall by seniority; and its perpetrators must be prosecuted.

VI- Illegal functions of Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions:
PCHR has documented several cases in which Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions acted as a police force, which constitutes a flagrant violation that must be addressed. One of the leading violations is the establishment of several detention centers administered by El-Qassam Battalions, in which civilians are detained, interrogated, and subjected to torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment. More worrisome is the fact that the Executive Force delivers some of its detainees to El-Qassam Battalions, and holds them in the latter’s detention centers.
The Centre has condemned these illegal actions, which have resulted in the death of a detainee in El-Mashtal detention center northwest of Gaza City. PCHR renews the call to stop these illegal functions.

VII- Excessive use of force and threatening personal safety of civilians:
PCHR has documented several cases in which armed force was used excessively during Executive Force operations, resulting in the death and injury of several civilians, including children and women. Despite our understanding of the Executive Force’s mandate to establish order, especially in the absence of a civilian police force, we affirm the importance of issuing clear instructions that regulate the use of force, including firearms, in accordance with relevant international standards.

VIII- Violations against civil society organizations:
PCHR has documented tens of attacks on civil society organizations in the Gaza Strip and West Bank during the recent clashes and afterwards. These include attacks on media organizations, charitable organizations, labor unions, and others. The Centre has strongly condemned these attacks and called for neutralizing civil society organizations from the conflict, to protect them, and to respect their independence. One of the most notable organizations that continues to come under attack is the Palestinian General Federation of Labor Unions. The Executive Force and El-Qassam Battalions took over the offices of the Federation on 13 June 2007. Instead of heeding our calls to evacuate the offices and deliver them to the Federation administration, the attacks expanded to include Federation branches in the Gaza Strip and a Federation kindergarten in the northern Gaza Strip.
The Centre renews the call to evacuate the Executive Force from the headquarters of the Federation, and to deliver it and all branches to the Federation administration to resume work for the benefit of laborers. PCHR affirms that the right to establish unions, associations, federations, coalitions, clubs, and public institutions is a constitutional law protected by the Palestinian Basic Law.

IX- Detention of the Attorney-General, attack on his office, and stopping him from performing his duties:
Since the start of the recent clashes, PCHR has regularly demanded to neutralize the Attorney-General’s Office from the power struggle between Fatah and Hamas. The Centre demanded that the AG and his assistants return to work in the Gaza Strip to preserve public interest.
We were surprised by the decision of Dr. Yusef El-Mansi, the Justice Minister in the dismissed government, to suspend the AG from work claiming that his appointment was not conducted according to legal requirements. PCHR affirms that the AG was and is performing his functions according to the law; and that the Justice Minister is not authorized to infringe on the AG’s jurisdiction or person. The Minister’s decision is a serious violation of the judicial system, and hinders justice. Continuing illegal measures against the AG, and in a flagrant violation of the AG’s person and immunity, the Executive Force raided the AG’s office on 16 August 2007 and assaulted the AG and detained him and his assistants.
PCHR strongly condemns these attacks and calls for prosecuting the perpetrators. The Centre renews the call to the dismissed government and its Justice Minister to rescind its illegal decision to suspend the AG, and to take serious steps to preserve the impunity and status of the AG and his assistants.

X- Absence of Ombudsman or Complaint Address:
In light of these violations and attacks, we continue to face a serious problem as a human rights organization in the area of official contacts regarding legal issues (e.g. complaints on behalf of victims). Although we are aware that accessing the political leadership is relatively easy through direct correspondence with the Prime Minister, we hope that you will designate a party that is legally authorized to handle legal issues.

Mr. Prime Minister,
We appreciate your efforts and commitment to respect and protect human rights and public freedoms. However, these face difficult challenges on the field. And we think that these challenges must be addressed immediately in a manner that reflects your commitments and answer our concerns as a human rights organization. We think that it is extremely important to maintain the delicate balance between the need to impose public order and security and the need to protect and respect human rights. We are certain that you will not preserve any effort to remedy these violations; and that you will take the necessary steps to put and end to them and to hold the responsible parties accountable to their deeds in a clear, transparent, and public manner.

Sincerely,
Raji Sourani
Director,
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights

Inside Story - 'Enemy' Gaza - 20 Sept 07 - Part 2

Al Gazeera intresting report

Gaza the "hostile territory" a prelude to war

The Biggest Strategic Decision since 2005

The Israeli cabinet declared this week in a unanimous vote that Gaza is now an "enemy entity". What does this mean for Israel in a wider strategic view? What implications will it have for the rest of the region? The Jerusalem Post, Israeli English daily, pointed out today that this decision is intended to complete the Israeli disengagement plan that was implemented in the summer of 2005. Two years later, the Gaza strip has proven to be more trouble, more fanatic and overrun by Islamic radicals.

The decision of the cabinet that points out that there will be continued military and counter-terrorist operations against the terrorist organizations and additional sanctions will be placed on the Hamas regime in order to restrict the passage of various goods to the Gaza Strip and reduce the supply of fuel and electricity. Restrictions will also be placed on the movement of people to and from the Gaza Strip.

Palestinian Unity

Throughout history economical sanctions have rarely been enough to change a political situation, in the case of Hamas in Gaza, various international serving in the region and nonaligned Palestinians predict that the Israeli plan will bring Palestinian factions that have been deeply divided since June. Mahmoud Abbas and other Fatah leaders have deplored the decision by saying that the decision is an oppressive decision that will only tighten the stifling embargo imposed on 1.5 million people in the Gaza Strip and by doing so will only increase their suffering and magnify their tragedy. Seems like Fatah, while tiptoeing around the issue are continuing to send mixed messages. Instead of clearly calling on the silent Palestinian majority to refrain from violence, and blaming Hamas publicly (like any rival politician would do) for the strife on the Palestinians of Gaza. Hamas have called the decree a declaration of war. Fawzi Barhoum, a spokesman for Hamas in Gaza called it an attempt to starve the Palestinian people and force them to accept humiliating formulas. On Sunday there were even reports in the Palestinian press that the Hamas leadership were have internal problems and differences. The distance between the two voices sound semantic to me. So Israel will ultimately face a united Palestinian front, violence will most probably spill over to the West Bank, and indeed an ongoing counter terrorist operation took place this week in a West Bank refugee camp, near the city of Nablus.

Now that Israel has "declared war", Hamas has legitimacy (like it needed it beforehand) to continue to launch rockets in to the surrounding towns of the Gaza Strip.

The Jerusalem post points out today that the intention is to reroute all civilian activities to Gaza via Egypt, including assistance delivered by the vast international community UN bodies, EU, USAID, the Red Cross and all the other do gooders of the world. I am certain that Egypt won't be too happy about the Israeli attempt. And, as expected, on Wednesday the Egyptian Foreign Minister, Ahmed Abul Gheit, rejected the Israeli cabinet's decision concerning his worries for the collective punishment on all the innocent civilian residents of the Gaza Strip. Egypt now realising the need for a more severe dealing with arms smugglers on the border between the Sinai peninsula and the 12 km border with Rafah.

The cards come tumbling down

Following the June Hamas uprising in Gaza and since then the Arab community have refrained from supporting Hamas. Both the Saudi Arabian and Egyptian governments even denied entry recently to Khaled Mashaal, exiled Hamas leader residing in Damascus, saying the Islamist faction Hamas must first reverse its coup in Gaza. But since Thursday, Arab and Islamic countries have condemned Israel for declaring the Gaza Strip an "enemy entity". In speeches to the United Nations Human Rights Council, delegates from the Middle East and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) said the humanitarian situation in the occupied territories had deteriorated and would worsen further if Israel cut fuel and electricity to Gaza's 1.5 million people. Pakistan's ambassador Masood Khan, speaking on behalf of the OIC, said that the deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation in Gaza claiming that the Palestinians face military incursions, extra-judicial and targeted assassinations, restrictions on movement and demolition of houses and infrastructure. The OIC, a 57-nation alliance representing 1.3 billion Muslims, the organization called on Israel to reverse its decision to interrupt basic services in Gaza, of course claiming that it would violate international law.

On the Western Front

The cabinet decision coincided with the visit of the American Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, and down tonning the expected November Peace? summit. Although Rice pointed out that the United States views Hamas a terrorist organization. The US has no intention to abandon the innocent Palestinians in Gaza, and are planning to deal with the humanitarian needs of the Gazans. More importantly the US views Gaza and the West Bank as "constituent entities of the to-be Palestinian state". This being the most important part of the statement, due to the face that Israels intentions to channel Gaza to the south have not been approved by the US patron. And as expected UN, and EU were quick to follow suit and deplore the Israeli decision. Even the usually silent Red Cross raised their concerns publicly. Human Rights Organizations have also already started to bash Israel claiming that it is contradictory to International Humanitarian Law. So it seems that Israel will be even more under international diplomatic and media pressure. Usually Israel has not been very successful in withstanding ongoing pressure.

Where is it all leading?

Well for Gaza, the direction is clearer than ever, south means outside influences like Iran and Al-Qaeda. Both are involved today in the Strip, and are motivated for their own reasons. Israel will therefore continue to be a threshold for the global jihad movement. For the the other Palestinian state, West Bank, it will most certainly give the radicals reason to act and implement terrorist activities against Israeli targets whether settler or targets within the green line. Israel in turn will deepen its control over movement, causing international criticism.

The International community will be forced to deepen involvement in Gaza for the "innocent civilians", this will most undoubtedly lead to engagement of Hamas, especially of Scandinavian countries like Norway, maybe even Great Britain whom voiced the need to engage Hamas. Even Tony Blair's aids have been quoted on this issue, even before the Israli decision.

For moderate Arab countries in the middle east this will most definitely be a warning light for them, Muslim Brotherhood already have their eyes on government in Egypt, and the Jordanian monarchy seems to be extremely unstable, the fundamentalists in both will defiantly gain motivation from Hamas and its ability to over through the infidels. In a reality where Egypt and Jordan are under pressure from Internal Islamic factions they will, in order to overcome the threat of being toppled, have to radicalise their views and narrative.

Ultimately Israel will bend to the International pressure and all the other messages sent to the outside world will weaken Israel, Abu Mazen, Egypt and Jordan, leaving the radical voice ringing out loud. These economical sanctions will most probably also be the prelude to an Israeli invasion in to Gaza considering the fact that the Hamas geurilla organization is not accountable to the population in the Strip.

Hamas says "bring em on" in Gaza

Hamas held military like maneuvers in northern Gaza Strip on Friday, hoping to send a warning message to Israel. Hamas reiterated its promise to abduct more Israeli soldiers to keep Gilad Shalit company, if and when Israel decides to invade the extreme Islamic controlled coastal strip. The militants carried out the training procedures that included close contact with live fire and rocket propelled grenades (RPG) at makeshift targets. Despite this, since Thursday Israeli military and air force have carried out numerous attacks against terrorist targets. On Thursday, an aircraft fired a missile at a car in the Jebaliah refugee camp in the north of the strip. Two members of the violent Islamic Jihad group were injured. Friday morning brought a ground assault and "counter terrorist" operation in the South of the strip. Finally, today the IDF carried out a further operation in the northern town of Beit Hanoun. While during some of the activities Israeli forces were confronted with some resistance by terrorist gunmen, none were substantial. Hamas has yet to stand up to the IDF with an organized offensive. Such an act would send a clearer message than the sporadic RPGs and lip service. It is bound to happen eventually and in such a case Hamas could loose their advantage as a guerrilla organization. Hamas would most definitely find itself attacked on all fronts, inside the Gaza Strip and in Damascus, leadership and ground operatives. While today Hamas are building their military capabilities and supplies, they are yet to be a formidable military force but they are indeed able to be a thorn in Israels side thats growing day by day.

Strike a Pose II - in Gaza

The Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) an armed terrorist group in Gaza have issued a death threat against super star Madonna and ex-con Britney Spears. Madonna is visiting Israel for a Kaballah convention over the Jewish New Year. All I can say about this is its good to be "like a virgin".... they only want 72 ..... or maybe its one 72 year old virgin.... but who's counting?

Strike a pose in Gaza

This week has seen some major incidents within the Gaza Strip, and its relations with its neighbour Israel. The situation that has largely been overshadowed by the Israeli air force activities over Syrian skies. Here has what happened: First of all Sunday saw a widespread public strike, organized by Fatah in response to the beating and arresting of Fatah supporters on last Fridays prayers gone demonstration. After that another bout of discussions between West Bank President and Israeli premier, also Tony Blair carried out meetings promising a better future for Palestinians and Israeli's. Both talked about Gaza but neither have the power to change anything without engaging Hamas. And despite ongoing attempts to open an internal dialogue Fatah seem to be holding their position that Hamas before any steps need to withdraw their forces and apologize for their activities (and that doesn't look like its about to happen). Sixty-nine soldiers were wounded on Tuesday morning when a Qassam rocket launched from the Gaza Strip hit an Israeli military base south of the coastal town Ashkelon. The rocket was launched at 1:30 am from the north of the Gaza Strip. Most of the soldiers hurt sustained shrapnel wounds. The rocket fell on an empty tent, which stood adjacent to other tents where the soldiers were sleeping. An alarm was heard seconds before the rocket fell. Most of the soldiers were asleep at the time of the blast. Two soldiers sustained critical injuries, while most of the others sustained moderate and light wounds. This was bound to happen eventually. This incident looked to begin with as the last straw but ultimately the Israeli Government decided not to act. The messages coming out from Jerusalem were to continue pressure on Gaza and divide and conquer and for the time being continue with pinpoint counter-terrorist ops. It seems that the Israeli government are waiting for a rocket to land on a kindergarten preparations for a full fledged military invasion seem to be underway, and unavoidable. In response Hamas, and its armed wing have declared that they will meet any Israeli invasion and that Gilad Shalit, the Israeli abducted corporal, will have some friends to keep him company. In a surprising declaration Hamas called today on all armed faction in Gaza to stop attacking the crossings especially during the holy month of Ramadan that begins today. The UN news service IRIN pointed out that attacks on the crossings have had a negative impact on the ability of the international aid agencies to supply their dependants with their rations. Happy holidays to Muslims and Jews alike.

Israel implements new tactics in Gaza

First reports are coming out of Gaza that in a cunning covert counter terrorist operation, IDF soldiers dressed in Hamas Executive Force uniforms snatched a chief Hamas operative in Gaza. According to the French Press Agency (AFP), the terrorist Mohawah al-Qadi is a senior member of Hamas's armed wing, Ezzedin al Qassam. Al Qadi was supposedly snatched late Friday by IDF undercover troops. The counter terrorist activity took place in the town of Rafah in southern Gaza and then taken to Israel via one of the near by crossings under the protection of Israeli helicopters. While the Israeli army had no immediate comment, other reports point out that Hamas thought that it was Fatah that carried out the kidnapping, a "modus operandi" that is wide spread in the infighting throughout the coastal strip. If indeed carried out by Israel, this is the kind of counter terrorist activities that Israel can carry out in the Gaza Strip without being scrutinized. Hamas on its part has ordered its factions to prepare for an expected Israeli invasion.

Gaza Prayers Unholy

Here is how AP described what happened today in Gaza. Hamas security forces armed with rifles and clubs beat Fatah supporters trying to hold street prayers to protest the Islamic group's rule in Gaza, witnesses said. Hamas men also assaulted at least seven Palestinian journalists and detained five. An explosive device thrown into the middle of one protest rally in southern Gaza injured four people. It seems that this kind of activity, in the power struggle, in Gaza is considered a threat. Hamas see the demonstrations a clear attempt to challenge their authority. In turn, clubs and guns are drawn by the "Executive Force" and people are beaten and taken away. If Fatah is to try and change things a non-violent attitude could help. Mahatma Ghandi said once that "nonviolence is a weapon of the strong". Fatah does not have brute force any more in Gaza and Hamas when elected over a year ago came to power not because of their Islamic agenda but rather due to the downfalls of the Fatah leadership. If Fatah take a new look at things and preach nonviolence it could be their new political ticket.

Israeli Politicians Want War With Gaza

Over the last week Israeli leading politicians are calling for widespread military activities in the Gaza Strip. Haim Ramon, Deputy Israeli Prime Minister declared yesterday that Israel should look in to disconnecting Gaza from electricity and Water supplies. Foreign Minister, Tzipi Livni, joined in to the chorus and former IDF Chief Of Staff and Transportation Minister, Shaul Mofaz, slammed Ehud Olmert for the restraint being shown. The cabinet met this week and decided to look in to the legal binding of continuing the flow of power, water and produce through its borders.

While these statements come at a questionable time due to the fact that nothing much has changed rockets have continued to hit Sderot, at an average of about 20 per week since the over through in June. It seems strange that now, instead of three months ago, the Israeli political echelon have decided to look in to the options at hand for Israel. Dov Wiesglass, a prominent Israeli lawyer and aid to former Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, points out the legal side of civilian sanctions against Gaza. It seems that the big guns are out and raring to go. So the service embargo and siege are on the table and Israel will start heating up the atmosphere with the electricity and maybe water embargo. They want to play hard ball, while on a legal table the ideas may indeed will be legal, but will they bring Hamas to its knees? Over history attacking civilian population has never succeeded, the Nazi's tried bombing London, the Americans tried burning out the Vietcong, these actions only made the civilian population more hardheaded. For Israel these implications will expose it to an unprecedented level of international pressure. It will certainly unite Palestinians both in the West bank and also of course in that Gaza Strip. While Israel can not stand by with their hands in their pockets while being pounded time and time again, but it looks like Israel is going down the wrong road again. In the end the rockets will continue to fly in to its towns.Hamas on its part will grow stronger and stronger due to the despair and strife Israel will be causing the Palestinians. It will divert the internal frustration from their undemocratic activities and the Arab world, the West and the Palestinians will blame Israel. Instead Israel needs to hold its ground focus on pinpoint operations targeting terrorists and its infrastructure, while continuing despite the rockets to feed Gaza's needs. All of the Hamas leadership should feel personally threatened, maybe this will bring them to the decision that Israel is here to stay and that they need to find a way to live with their neighbours.

Hamas vs IRA

HISTORY'S LESSONS
Hamas is not the IRA
By Zion Evrony
Published IHT: August 31, 2007

Since my arrival in Ireland about a year ago as Israel's ambassador, it has been suggested to me in almost every conversation with Irish officials, academics, journalists and ordinary people that Israelis and Palestinians should learn from Northern Ireland's peace process and apply some of its principles if there is ever to be an end to our conflict. Since the successful implementation of peace through power sharing in Northern Ireland in May 2007, this model has been recommended to me with even stronger conviction.
In particular, I am told that Israel should talk to Hamas, as Britain and Ireland spoke to the IRA. After all, the IRA, as a terrorist organization, moderated its position, gave up arms, abandoned the use of terrorism and accepted an agreement based on compromise. Now those former political enemies share power in the same administration. But would a similar process lead Hamas to end its campaign of violence and accept the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state living in peace with Israel?
While there are some similarities between these two complex and protracted conflicts, and indeed some lessons can be learned, it is a dangerous exercise to conclude that they are the same because of their largely different historical, geopolitical and cultural circumstances. Especially, the different importance attached to religious beliefs in the IRA's and Hamas's political platforms.
Underlying my Irish friends' advice is the expectation that should Israel start a dialogue with Hamas, the latter will change its ideology, renounce terrorism, recognize Israel, stop all acts of violence, suicide bombings and Qassam rocket attacksand relinquish its weapons.

Such expectation is rooted in the assumption that when two parties with diametrically opposing views engage in a dialogue, the dynamic created changes the chemistry of the conflict, moderates the positions of both sides and makes a compromise possible. Although this theory may be valid in some cases, unfortunately it is not in the case of Hamas.
One of the main differences between Hamas and the IRA is the role played by religion in their ideologies. While most IRA members were Catholic and religion was a factor, its political platform and vision was the unification of the island of Ireland, not defined in religious terms. The religious beliefs of its members did not block the way to a political compromise.
By contrast, the ideology of Hamas is defined in absolutist religious terms, that of a radical version of Islam, which is not open to influence or change. The political vision and religious belief of Hamas are one and the same; therefore, change is unlikely.
At the core of this belief is the desire to create an Islamist state based on Islamic law over all the land, not just the West Bank and Gaza, but Israel as well. There is no acceptance of the notion of coexistence, no support for the idea of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, but an exclusive demand, based on fundamentalist interpretations of religious texts, for control of the entire territory.
The Hamas Charter, adopted in 1988 and still very much in effect, defines the land of Palestine as "an Islamic Waqf" (trust territory) consecrated for future Muslim generations. It adds: "Until the Day of Resurrection, no one can renounce it or part of it, or abandon it or part of it" (Article 11).
The Charter's preface states "Israel will arise and will remain existent only until Islam eliminates it as it has eliminated its predecessors." Furthermore, it defines the enemy explicitly as an ethnic-religious group - the Jewish people. Hamas officials continue in their refusal to recognize Israel's right to exist. In contrast, the IRA never questioned Britain's right to exist.
The difference also applies to the practical level. After the IRA ceasefire of 1994, U.S. Senator George Mitchell, called in as a mediator, laid down ground rules for participation in the Northern Ireland talks. All the parties to the conflict then agreed to a code of conduct. The first principle was a commitment by all sides to "democratic and exclusively peaceful means" of resolving political issues. The second was a commitment to "the total disarmament" of all paramilitary groups. Sadly such principles cannot be reconciled with the Hamas Charter, its religious ideology and the concept of the duty to wage holy war (jihad), which will inherently always take precedence.
In fact, the whole idea of a peace process and the use of mediators are ruled out by the Charter. Mediators would not be welcome, since "those conferences are no more than a means to appoint the unbelievers as arbitrators in the lands of Islam" (Article 13).

What then is a prudent policy for the international community towards Hamas, especially in the aftermath of its takeover of Gaza? The answer is a united front and a consistent policy, demanding and insisting on the acceptance of the three principles laid out by the Quartet (United States, United Nations, European Union and Russia): recognition of Israel's right to exist, renouncing and ending terrorism, and accepting all prior agreements and understandings achieved between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.
These are sensible principles. If Hamas were to accept these principles, abandon its radical beliefs and, like the IRA transform itself into a partner for dialogue, it could join the peace process and put an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people. Indeed, if Hamas stops rocket attacks on Israeli towns and villages and releases the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, it can pave the way for an immediate and stable ceasefire in the Gaza region.
Unfortunately, given the intransigent ideological and religious foundations behind Hamas' violent actions, such an expectation is quite unrealistic. Instead, Middle East peace would better be served by supporting the moderate Palestinian leadership in their effort to lead their people to a reasonable compromise - a path which Israel as well is willing to take.

Zion Evrony is Israel's ambassador to Ireland. He was previously head of the policy planning bureau at the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

UN says Potatoes come out of Gaza for the first time

Michael Williams the UN Special Coordinator (UNSCO) to the Middle East "peace process" addressed for the last time the UN security council. While the UN usually tends to be less than friendly to Israel, here was an envoy that as opposed to previous emissaries like Mr Alvaro De Soto or Terje Larsen before him, kept a clear view on the situation.

" I remain deeply concerned about the political, institutional and socio-economic consequences of the continued split between Gaza and the West Bank. President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad confirmed to me that they remained committed to reintegrating Gaza under the legitimate authority of the Palestinian Authority. I welcome that clear position. For its part, Hamas continues to call for dialogue. However, in the absence of steps that indicate acceptance by Hamas of President Abbas's dismissal of Mr. Haniya as Prime Minister on 15 June, or its readiness to reverse its actions, progress will remain elusive.While some order has been brought to the streets of Gaza, the actions of Hamas are taking place outside the framework of the rule of law and the institutions of the Palestinian Authority, generating concern regarding respect for human rights and the future development of Gaza. Hamas is recruiting volunteers and using charities in efforts to provide certain services, since the majority of Palestinian Authority employees are not reporting to work owing to the dispute over whom they should report to.Hamas continues to assert its military control over the Gaza Strip, including through the establishment of new security body, a coastal force, a female police force and an interior security force. There are reports of increasing arrests and clashes with other political factions. Palestinian civil society groups have documented allegations of the harassment of journalists, arbitrary arrests and torture and other human rights abuses by Hamas militants.The Palestinian Authority is continuing to pay public sector salaries in Gaza. Due to efforts by the Palestinian Authority, Israel and the United Nations, food and medical supplies are entering through two border crossings, namely, Sufa and Kerem Shalom, as well as through a conveyor belt at the Karni crossing. Yesterday, for the first time in two months, potatoes were exported through Kerem Shalom. Despite a temporary interruption of support earlier this month, owing to concerns about a diversion of resources, the European Commission has resumed payments to enable fuel shipments to Gaza for local electricity generation.However, those measures are not enough to prevent a worrying social and economic deterioration in Gaza. The shortage of some essential commodities, unstable prices, the accumulation of garbage owing to municipal strikes and, above all, the mass closure of industry are sources of acute concern. The main commercial crossing of Karni has now been closed for more that two months, ever since the Hamas takeover led to the removal of trained Palestinian Authority security personnel on the Palestinian side. Neither the import of raw materials nor the export of commercial goods through Karni has been possible. As a result, 85 per cent of manufacturing businesses have been closed and 95 per cent of private construction projects have been halted — at a loss of $160 million, as well as $213 million in United Nations projects. Approximately 70,000 workers have lost their jobs.The United Nations and others continue efforts to find a formula that could lead to the early reopening of Karni. United Nations policy in that regard is guided by three concerns: first, that the people of Gaza should not be subject to collective punishment; secondly, that further damage to the socio-economic fabric of Gaza will only increase dependency on aid and fuel extremism; and, thirdly, that all steps taken should be consistent with the goal of reunifying the occupied Palestinian territory under the Palestinian Authority. I call for the cooperation of all parties to work to reopen the Karni crossing". It is a shame that Mr Williams did not call on Hamas to refrain from attacking the same crossings that serve as lifelines for the Gaza population.

The Israeli ambassador to the UN, Danny Gillerman in his briefing to the Security Council pointed out that "Since 1 August, Hamas has smuggled more than 13 tons of explosives and 150 rocket-propelled grenades into Gaza. Some 40 tons of explosives were smuggled in the past three months. Moreover, 56 terror attacks, among them the firing of 20 Qassam rockets occurred last week alone. Close to 70 rockets were fired by Palestinian terrorists during August, marking a sharp increase in rocket terror activity. In spite of the volatile security situation in the Gaza Strip, Israel continues to respond to humanitarian needs there. Since 19 June, more than 60,000 tons of humanitarian aid was transferred from Israel to the Gaza Strip in cooperation with the Gaza District Coordination and Liaison Office. Israel remains committed to ensuring the timely and safe passage of aid through the appropriate channels."

So what is going on? Israel is facilitating the flow of Humanitarian assistance, Hamas is continuing to attack Israel, the PA are unable to do much, and the UN "remains concerned". Looks like same ole same ole....

Here, have a piece of security for dinner in Gaza

So whats going on it Gaza? Safety and security seem to be Hamas's answer. But under the surface something is happening. Over that last few days reports that sporadic in fighting is reemerging. Two explosive devices near the Gaza old helipad. Khan Younis also had a bout of firefighting. And Fatah organised afternoon prayers outside to make a statement about the anti Fatah sermons taking place in the mosques. Ultimately when the prayers ended violence erupted and 13 people were reported injured, including two foreign journalists. So while things seems better then in June, there is no doubt that things are not in a positive direction. People in Gaza, due to the calm, finally have time to think about what they want for their future and their children's future. Hamas can't seem to give much more due to the lack of will to work with Fatah, or change their attitude towards Israel. In an interview to the Chinese press agency, Xinhua, one Palestinian described the situation in very simple terms "I can't give my child a piece of security to eat, or a piece of security to buy food at school". Another Fatah affiliated said "There is safety and security, but it is limited to Hamas people".

Hamas basically has three options. First, the organization can continue to rule Gaza with its brute force, and by doing so slowly but surely lose its popular support. Secondly, and the most improbable option is that Hamas could find a way to bridge the gap between between its fanatic ideology and the need to live with its neighbour Israel, some sort of long term "hudna", cease fire. In both of the first and second options Hamas will bind itself to controlling only the Gaza Strip, giving Israel a true basis for calling Gaza "Hamastan", disconnecting them selves from the West Bank. This definitely does not coincide with Hamas's larger strategy that it has been planning since the early 90's, to take over the Palestinian Authority. To conclude the most probable scenario, Hamas will attempt to reengage Fatah and and make a mend, call it taking one step back to open the options for the future. To do this a public apology and a withdrawal of its forces will be necessary. Until that happens Hamas will continue to rule the Strip, and try to make things seems normal, like the declaration today that school will be free for everybody. Like everything in the Middle East things can change from one minute to the next, so time will tell.

Happy Birthday Cpl. Shalit - 21 today in Gaza

Corporal Gilad Shalit was abducted on the 25 June 2006. At the time of his kidnapping he was on duty on the border between Gaza and Israel. In a cunning and well planned attack by terrorists 2 soldiers were killed and Shalit was taken to a "safe house" in Gaza.

Hamas was, at the time of abduction, just a few months in to its legitimate term after the general elections that took place. At this time the entire international community and Israel were watching Hamas to see what path they would choose. Clarification came after the abduction that Hamas would not show any flexibility toward international demands and since that time the situation in the territories and especially in Gaza has deteriorated. It seems that Shalit has become for Hamas a serious thorn in its side. 429 days after the abduction, when the Israeli shock of the incident settled, Shalit has not turned in to the strategic playing card Hamas had wished for. Instead Hamas lost the ability to rule due to the freezing of money held by Israel and the freezing of international aid. As a result economy in the territories is in shambles, internal security deteriorated to a civil war that brought a "National Unity Government" and that eventually evaporated and brought a new reality, Hamas run Gaza and a Fatah run West Bank. If while the prospect of a national unity government Israel could negotiate with Abu Mazen for the release of Shalit, today this channel is non-existent. On the other hand, Hamas has proven that it can release those kidnapped as in the case of BBC journalist, Alan Jonston. Any negotiation that will end up in release of Palestinian prisoners to Hamas would definitely bolster its support, motivate terrorist factions to continue and evidently harm an already struggling Fatah government and leadership.

In conclusion, one Israeli soldier put Hamas government and leadership in a position that it had to choose, to be a nation among nations or another ruthless terrorist organization that plays not on the negotiating table but rather in the back streets of the refugee camps and the tomato greenhouses of Beit Lahia. For Israel that one soldier has brought international support and compassion, a financial embargo on the Palestinians and the legitimization for use of force. Once more the question for Hamas is what do you want to do with the control you have taken to yourself? In the near future Hamas will most certainly find itself in a new type of pressure, the pressure from within. The streets of Gaza, while calm and secure, are piled up with garbage, Fatah affiliated clinics are ordered shut, freedom of speech is a thing of the past. women are afraid to show their faces in public and Israel ar epermitting only essential humanitarian aid throughits borders. The pressure that is boiling beneath the surface is the people of Gaza that, thanks to Hamas, now have ample time to think what do they want for the future of the Strip. Hamas can offer two solutions, prosperity and cooperation with the Jewish neighbours or an act of war with the same neighbour.

Gaza's Farce: Electricity and Missles

Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed

27/08/2007 esharq alawsat

The glaring farce today is that forces from the Hamas movement are the ones presently guarding the Israel-Gaza border, while al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade and Fatah are the ones bombarding Israeli towns with missiles. As for Ismail Haniyeh, the head of the state of Gaza – or rather, the head of the coup – he gave a speech last Friday in which he stated that there is a local, Arab and international conspiracy that aims to undermine Hamas so as to ensure the failure of the Islamic model of governance.
It may be useful for the world to review this alleged Islamic model of governance, which is responsible for making the whole world fearful. It is a model that cannot even provide electricity except through diesel that is delivered via Israel and is financed as a donation from the European Union (EU).
The Hamas model is incapable of generating electrical power when electricity has been successfully harnessed over 140 years ago. It is a model that cannot fight nor liberate or make peace, and neither can it even secure the most basic level of a decent simple life for the people. All what the Hamas leadership was competent enough to achieve was to blame the Palestinian Authority, notwithstanding the fact that it was originally the one to turn against it and oust it from Gaza. Now it wants the Palestinian Authority to pay for the electricity, natural gas and the salaries of the local workers on its behalf. How is that a model that could pose a threat to regional governments? The truth is that it has nothing to do with history or religion; it only serves to represent those in its leadership.
Hamas officials attribute the decline in their popularity among the Palestinian people to the economic embargo; the power cuts in electricity and the obstruction of paths with the outside world, in addition to a deprivation of international financial aid. This begs the question as to whether the Palestinians genuinely believe in Hamas – for is it rational to think that they would assess the movement in terms of money and electricity?
Throughout history, all the nationalist movements led people who were suffering from hunger, and the people paid the price with their blood – not with 10 hours of electricity and a trip across the Egyptian border.
The truth is that the residents of Gaza, who had become fed up with the corruption of Fatah, crowned Hamas in its place only to discover that the latter was no better than the former in theory or in practice. Hamas’s security forces practice oppression; raiding houses, ruining weddings and penalizing anyone they hear lamenting the bygone Fatah era.
Meanwhile, those who supported Hamas with the intention of combating Israel discovered that it is an impotent organization that has not executed a single operation in over two years. Instead, it has become the cause of misery, suffering and conflict, and has resulted in the severance of family ties.
If the Hamas model of governance is capable of instilling fear in governments worldwide; it is blatantly obvious that it does not scare Israel, which lives contentedly and calmly since Hamas rose to power – as opposed to the situation two years ago during the days of ambushed cars and female suicide bombers. Moreover, Hamas has served Israel’s best interests in a manner the occupation’s military leaders have failed to achieve over the span of 50 years when it opened fire on Fatah forces, executing them in the streets, hurling some of them off the tops of tall buildings and besieging their families.
Hamas has only succeeded in eliminating 1.5 million Palestinians, the population of Gaza, from the Palestinian Authority’s citizens’ list.
Undoubtedly, this is a model capable of terrifying Arab governments, as well as Palestinians locally, since it is the clearest evidence of the death of taboos forever.

Helping Gaza and the West Bank

The LA Times printed, in yesterdays paper, the thoughts of Moshe Ya'alon, former IDF Chief of Staff on the issue of foreign misconceptions of the Middle East. While some of what he wrote is clearly political (Ya'alon spoke out publicly against the Israeli disengagement from Gaza), there are some clear insights and tips for the west to better understand the micro cosmos of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict as a playing field for the global Jihadi anti western way of life. After pointing out the misconceptions he suggests some achievable solutions.

Until they get past their mistaken assumptions, foreign envoys can do little to calm the region.

By Moshe Ya'alon August 26, 2007

After a few years of benign neglect, Israel is back on the itineraries of well-meaning foreign emissaries. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair visited the country last month in his new role as special envoy of the "quartet" of Middle East peacemakers. Earlier this month, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice arrived. Each visit was concluded with a news conference at which promises of progress were made. But before any lasting on-the-ground movement toward peace can be achieved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, foreign emissaries, as well as some Israelis, will have to shake off some long-disproved tenets of the conventional wisdom about the dispute.There are four main misconceptions that diplomats bring with them to Israel. Primary among them is the idea that solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a prerequisite for stability in the Mideast. The truth is that the region is riven by clashes that have nothing to do with Israel. For instance, the Jewish state plays no role in the conflict between Shiites and Sunnis, between Persians and Arabs or between Arab nationalists and Arab Islamists. The second misconception is that Israeli territorial concessions are the key to progress. The reality is that an ascendant jihadist Islam believes that it is leading the battle against Israel and the rest of the West. Given this dynamic, Israeli territorial or other concessions simply fill the jihadists' sails, reinforcing their belief that Israel and the West are weak and can be militarily defeated.True, a majority of Israelis supported Israel's unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon in 2000 and from Gaza in 2005 in the belief that meeting Hezbollah and Palestinian territorial demands would nullify the cause of conflict between them. We now know the results: The Hezbollah and Palestinian reactions -- concerted terror wars, kidnapped Israeli soldiers, rockets fired at Israeli cities -- made clear that the Mideast's central conflict is not territorial but ideological. And ideology cannot be defeated by concessions. Emissaries also still believe that "the Occupation" blocks agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. In the West, the term usually means the territories Israel conquered in the Six-Day War in 1967. If the problem between Israelis and Palestinians were just the 1967 territories, and the solution were dividing those lands up between the two sides (as proposed, most recently, in 2000 by former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak), the conflict would have ended long ago.Instead, the heart of the problem is that many Palestinians -- Fatah and Hamas, in particular -- and even some Israeli Arabs use "Occupation" to refer to all Israel. They do not recognize the Jewish people's right to an independent state, a right affirmed again and again in the international arena.Finally, the well-intentioned visiting diplomats believe that the Palestinians want -- and have the ability -- to establish a state that will live in peace alongside Israel. But they are not being clear-eyed. The late Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat, established a thugocracy that never improved the basic living conditions of his people. Indeed, Palestinian unemployment and poverty are worse today than they were before Arafat and his cronies assumed power in 1994.Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas did not take responsibility for Gazans' welfare, which in part led to Hamas' electoral victory in 2006. Now confined to the West Bank after Hamas kicked his Fatah organization out of Gaza, Abbas has not moved to create a governmental structure.A corollary of this fourth misconception is the belief that economic development can neutralize extreme nationalism and religious fanaticism, thus clearing the way toward peace and security. David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, had a term for such believers: "naive Zionists." Those who fit this description should demand that the Palestinians explain what they did with the $7 billion in international aid they received over the years. Seven billion reasons for economic progress -- and yet, why did Palestinian mobs destroy the Erez industrial zone, where Palestinians worked and ran businesses for decades, on the Gaza border? Why do they attack safe roads linking Gaza and the West Bank? Why is the Palestinian economy in shambles?Shorn of these mistaken assumptions, the picture in the Middle East is disturbing indeed. No wonder emissaries hold on to them. So what to do?For starters, Western governments and their emissaries must refrain from pressuring Israel for territorial or security concessions, which at best produces only short-term gains and emboldens the Islamist terror groups. Instead, they should try to persuade the Palestinian leaders to commit to a long-term strategy premised on educational, political and economic reforms that would lead to the establishment of a civil society that cherishes life, not death; values human rights and freedom; and develops a middle class, not a corrupt, rich elite. At the same time, these governments should set up an international fund that would offer Palestinian refugee families aid -- say $100,000 to $200,000 a family -- for their resettlement on the condition that their acceptance of the money would signify resolution of their refugee status.

Under no circumstances should emissaries attempt to open a dialogue with Hamas. For the sake of Palestinian society, Hamas and its ideology must be defeated. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not the most significant today; it's the battle between jihadist Islam and the West, of which Israel is merely one theater. To defeat jihadist Islam, the West must overcome the regimes, organizations and ideologies that support and feed it -- and Hamas is foremost among them.The emissaries who travel to Israel must draw on their rich diplomatic experiences, free themselves from misconceptions about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the petty politics that flows from them -- especially the binds of political correctness -- to lead us all toward freedom, security and peace. Anything else is mere meddling.

Gaza - Ramallah & Jerusalem solving the problems

75 stranded Gazans traveled to Egypt today. The Palestinians have been stuck in the Gaza Strip since Hamas forcefully over through the reigning national unity government. Rafah that previously operated on the basis of agreement between Israel and Abu Mazen, with the assistance of the European Union monitors has been closed since the beginning of June. A mechanism established between Israel and the Palestinian Autority residing in Ramallah, and at an attempt to bolster popular support for the Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). AP reported that over 4000 Palestinians remain in the Gaza Strip and need to travel abroad for work or study purposes.

The 75 lucky people passed through the Erez crossing into Israel and then traveled to the Nitzana border crossing between Israel and Egypt some 140 kilometers away. Israel and the Palestinian Authority promise that this procedure will continue.